STATE OF VERMONT
WASHINGTON SUPERIOR COURT
WASHINGTON COUNTY, SS. Civil Action, Docket No. 656-12-03 Wncv
JUDICIAL WATCH, INC.,
Plaintiff
v.
THE STATE OF VERMONT,
DEBORAH L. MARKOWITZ,
in her official capacity as Secretary of
State of the State of Vermont,
GREGORY SANFORD,
in his official capacity as State Archivist
of the State of Vermont, and
HOWARD DEAN, M.D.,
in his capacity as former
Governor of Vermont,
Defendants
PLAINTIFF’S MOTION FOR RULE 12(c)
JUDGMENT AND SUPPORTING MEMORANDUM
Plaintiff Judicial Watch, Inc. (“Judicial Watch”), by its undersigned attorneys, hereby moves pursuant to V.R.C.P. 12(c) for judgment on the pleadings, ordering Defendants to immediately make available to Judicial Watch and the general public the 146 boxes of gubernatorial records that Defendants refuse to disclose despite Judicial Watch’s requests under the Vermont Access to Public Records Act, 1 V.S.A. §§ 315 to 320 (the “Public Records Act”). Plaintiff also seeks its reasonable attorneys’ fees and costs incurred in this case as provided by 1 V.S.A. § 319(d).[1] In support of this motion, Plaintiff submits the incorporated memorandum.
MEMORANDUM OF LAW
It cannot seriously be debated that the 146 boxes of gubernatorial documents at issue in this case are public records under the Public Records Act, especially since the Defendants themselves concede that they are “the official correspondence of the Governor.” See Answer, Exhibit 1 at 1. Thus, the Public Records Act requires these documents to be disclosed to the public.
To be sure, under Vermont law there are some specific exceptions to this disclosure requirement, including “executive privilege,” upon which Governor Dean relies; yet remarkably, Governor Dean, ignoring the Public Records Act procedures that have been mandated by the Vermont Supreme Court (including a case in which Governor Dean himself was a defendant), has neither met nor even attempted to meet his burden of making a case for it. See Herald Ass’n, Inc. v. Dean, 816 A.2d 469, 475, 13 Vt. L. W. 283 (Vt. 2002) (“In New England Coalition [164 Vt. 337, 344 (1995)], we explained the process for making a prima facie case of executive privilege in response to a request for documents.”). Instead, Defendants rely on a document called “Memorandum of Understanding Between The Governor and the Secretary of State of Vermont Regarding Archival Storage of Gubernatorial Papers,” an “agreement” which they say permits and protects Governor Dean’s unsupported, blanket claim of “executive privilege” regarding these 146 boxes of public records. In other words, Defendants’ defense to disclosure is that this “Memorandum of Understanding” somehow trumps the Public Records Act.
As a matter of law, Defendants are wrong. There is no Vermont statute or Vermont case law supporting the right of a Vermont Governor, Secretary of State, Attorney General and State Archivist to negotiate, enter into and enforce an “agreement” to make an end run around the Public Records Act. Not only is the “Memorandum of Understanding” a stunning piece of fiction masquerading as law, but, even more troubling, it represents a dangerous violation of the separation of powers upon which our governmental system is founded. See Vermont Constitution, Chapter II, § 5 (“The Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary departments, shall be separate and distinct, so that neither exercise the powers properly belonging to the others”). No one – not even senior state officials like the governor – can use a contract or “Memorandum of Understanding” to rewrite the statutes promulgated by the Vermont Legislature or the legal requirements set forth by the Vermont Supreme Court.
“The generation that made the nation thought secrecy in government one of the instruments of Old World tyranny and committed itself to the principle that a democracy cannot function unless the people are permitted to know what their government is up to.” Caledonian-Record Publ’g Co. v. Walton, 154 Vt. 15, 21 (1990) (quoting U.S. Dep’t of Justice v. Reporters Comm. for Freedom of the Press, 489 U.S. 749, 772-73 (1989)) (emphasis in original). Yet some five months before officially announcing his candidacy for president, Governor Dean abandoned this principle, explaining on Vermont Public Radio that “there are future political considerations. We didn’t want anything embarrassing appearing in the papers at a critical time in any future endeavor.” Regardless of Governor Dean’s motivations, as a matter of law, the 146 boxes of gubernatorial records should immediately be released to Judicial Watch and the general public, and judgment should be entered in favor of Plaintiff pursuant to V.R.C.P. 12(c).
FACTS
The relevant facts are simple and undisputed. For purposes of a Rule 12(c) motion, the facts asserted by the non-movant are deemed to be true, Thayer v. Herdt, 155 Vt. 448, 456 (1990), so the following facts are drawn from Defendants’ Answer (including admissions of exhibits’ authenticity). See discussion of Rule 12(c) standard, infra, at 5-6.
“[T]he public has an interest in Howard Dean’s tenure as Governor of the State of Vermont and in his gubernatorial papers.” Answer, ¶ 18 at 5. In order to obtain access to those gubernatorial papers, Judicial Watch “followed the procedure set forth in the Public Records Act.” Answer, ¶ 20 at 5. Specifically, by letter dated August 25, 2003 to Defendant Sanford, Judicial Watch requested access to all of the gubernatorial public records of former Vermont Governor and current United States presidential candidate Howard Dean. See Answer, ¶ 9 at 2-3; Complaint, Exhibit 1.
By letter dated August 26, 2003, Sanford informed Judicial Watch that its representatives were free to inspect certain limited gubernatorial records of Governor Dean, but that other gubernatorial records of Governor Dean were not available for inspection pursuant to a January 2003 Memorandum of Understanding (“MOU”) entered into and executed by Governor Dean, Defendant Markowitz and Vermont Attorney General William Sorrell. According to the MOU, “any portion of correspondence determined by Governor Dean to be encompassed by executive privilege” will be sealed for ten years. See Answer, ¶¶ 10, 11 at 3; Complaint, Exhibits 2, 3.
By letter dated November 19, 2003, Judicial Watch appealed the denial of that request to Secretary of State Markowitz. See Answer, ¶ 14 at 4; Complaint, Exhibit 4. By letter dated November 26, 2003, Secretary of State Markowitz rejected Judicial Watch’s appeal. See Answer, ¶ 19 at 5; Complaint, Exhibit 7.
On December 3, 2003, Judicial Watch filed its Complaint seeking full and immediate access to Governor Dean’s public records and requesting an expedited hearing in accordance with 1 V.S.A. § 319(b). On December 23, 2003, Defendants served their Answer. On January 12, 2004, Judicial Watch served its Reply. Because Judicial Watch is entitled to judgment as a matter of law, it now moves for judgment on the pleadings under V.R.C.P. 12(c).
ARGUMENT
I. THIS
IS AN APPROPRIATE CASE FOR RULE 12(c) JUDGMENT ON THE PLEADINGS.
V.R.C.P. 12(c) provides that “[a]fter the pleadings are closed but within such time as not to delay the trial, any party may move for judgment on the pleadings.” A plaintiff as well as a defendant may move under Rule 12(c). See, e.g., Ramsey v. Amfac, Inc., 960 F. Supp. 1424, 1430 (N.D. Cal. 1997) (granting 12(c) judgment for plaintiff). Under V.R.C.P. 10(c), “[a] copy of any written instrument which is an exhibit to a pleading is a part thereof for all purposes.” Thus, the exhibits to the pleadings are “part of the pleadings and can be considered on a Rule 12(c) motion for judgment on the pleadings without the motion being converted to one for summary judgment.” Horsley v. Feldt, 304 F.3d 1125, 1134 (11th Cir. 2002).
This case is about Judicial Watch’s written request for access to public records, and the legitimacy of the Defendants’ written refusal. The material facts are undisputed; Defendants have made critical admissions, including acknowledging the authenticity of each of the documents annexed to the Complaint (including, in particular, the “Memorandum of Understanding”) and have stated, with respect to each of them, that “Plaintiff’s characterization of [it] does not require a response. If a response is required, defendants state that [it] speaks for itself.” See Answer, ¶¶ 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 16, 17, 19 at 2-5; see also Horsely, 304 F.3d at 1134 (“‘Undisputed’ in this context means that the authenticity of the documents is not challenged.”) (declining to convert 12(c) motion to summary judgment motion).
Judgment on the pleadings is appropriate here because the issues before this Court, as presented by the pleadings, are purely legal and Judicial Watch is entitled to judgment as a matter of law. See Burns Int’l Sec. Services v. Int’l Union, 47 F.3d 14, 16 (2d Cir. 1995) (“Judgment on the pleadings is appropriate if, from the pleadings, the moving party is entitled to judgment as a matter of law.”). Judgment on the pleadings is especially appropriate in a public records case such as this, given the mandate of 1 V.S.A. § 319(b), which provides (with emphasis added):
Except as to cases the court considers of greater importance, proceedings before the superior court, as authorized by this section, and appeals therefrom, shall take precedence on the docket over all cases and shall be assigned for hearing and trial or for argument at the earliest practicable date and expedited in every way.
This Court should not hesitate to grant this motion.
II. JUDGMENT ON THE PLEADINGS SHOULD BE GRANTED.
A. Because They Are Public Records, The 146 Boxes Of Gubernatorial Documents Are Subject To Disclosure Under The Vermont Access To Public Records Act.
Vermont’s Access to Public Records Act declares: “Officers of government are trustees and servants of the people and it is in the public interest to enable any person to review and criticize their decisions even though such examination may cause inconvenience or embarrassment.” 1 V.S.A. § 315. The Act permits “[a]ny person” to “inspect or copy any public record or document.” Id. § 316.
The definition of “public records” is “sweeping,” see Caledonian-Record Publ’g Co. v. Walton, 154 Vt. 15, 19 (1990), and the Public Records Act is to be “liberally construed in favor of public access to documents falling within its scope.” Herald Ass’n, Inc. v. Dean, 816 A.2d 474, 474, 13 Vt. L. W. 283 (Vt. 2002); 1 V.S.A. § 315 (“the provisions of this subchapter shall be liberally construed”). “Public records” include “all papers, documents, machine readable materials or any other written or recorded matters, regardless of their physical form or characteristics, that are produced or acquired in the courts of agency business.” 1 V.S.A. § 317(b). Because an “agency” is defined to include any “branch, instrumentality or authority of the state,” id. § 317(a), and because it is “hardly disputable” that the Governor’s office fits that definition, the Vermont Supreme Court has held that “any paper or document ‘produced or acquired’ during the course of the Governor’s business is a public record subject to disclosure under the [Public Records] Act, unless some exception to the Act applies.” Dean, 816 A.2d at 473.
Here, the 146 boxes of documents at issue are “the official correspondence of the Governor.” Answer, Exhibit 1 at 1. Accordingly, these documents are clearly public records subject to disclosure under the Public Records Act. Judicial Watch has requested access to these records and has “followed the procedure set forth in the Public Records Act.” Answer, ¶ 20 at 5. Thus, unless there is an applicable exception, the 146 boxes of gubernatorial documents must be disclosed under the Public Records Act.
B. Governor Dean Has Not Met His Burden Of Establishing The
“Executive Privilege” Exception To Disclosure.
Defendants assert “executive privilege” as the exception to disclosure under the Public Records Act. Without question, Vermont case law has held that the assertion of common law privileges, like the “executive privilege,” may sometimes prevent the disclosure of public records under 1 V.S.A. § 317(c)(4). It is important to keep in mind that, at its core, this privilege (which is not absolute) is designed to protect a governor’s decision-making or deliberative process, in order to benefit the public, not the governor or his political ambitions.
Under the common law executive privilege, documents reflecting communications in the course of the Governor’s decision-making and deliberative process may be withheld from the public to protect and facilitate the Governor’s consultative and decisional responsibilities. The privilege, which is not absolute, furthers the public interest by allowing the Governor to obtain open advice on matters of public importance.
Dean, 816 A.2d at 474-75 (citation omitted). Even more important, in order for the privilege to attach in the first place, a prima facie case must be made by the governor upon receiving a request for any documents potentially protected.
In New England Coalition [164 Vt. 337, 344 (1995)], we explained the process for making a prima facie case of executive privilege in response to a request for documents. The executive must specifically identify the documents for which the privilege is claimed, and must explain why the documents are protected by the privilege. The claim must be supported by an affidavit based on actual personal consideration by the responsible official. Whether the Governor makes a prima facie showing that the privilege applies to the requested documents depends on the specificity of the claims supporting the privilege’s assertion.
Dean, 816 A.2d at 475 (internal quotation marks and citations omitted).
Here, although Judicial Watch made a “request for documents,” there has been no “prima facie” showing in response “specifically identify[ing]” the documents, nor has any affidavit “based on actual personal consideration” even been provided. In fact, based on the numerous public statements made by the Defendants, it appears that Governor Dean failed to comply even with the simple statutory requirement of 3 V.S.A. § 4(a) to provide a complete “itemized list” of his official correspondence (though he did provide a list of those documents he is willing to reveal). Accordingly, any reliance on “executive privilege” must be rejected.[2] The documents should be disclosed.
C. Defendants’ “Defenses” Against Disclosure Should Be Rejected.
Defendants assert three “Affirmative Defenses” in their Answer (which we expect them to argue in their opposition papers): (1) the MOU is valid, thereby providing a defense against disclosure; (2) “plaintiff has failed to make the requisite showing of need”; and (3) some other “exemption” or “combination” of thirty (30) exemptions might apply “upon review of the sealed documents,” thereby providing a defense to disclosure. See Answer, ¶¶ 1-3 at 6. In this case, the Court does not even have to address the second defense, for the requirement of a showing of “need” does not arise unless the burden of making a prima facie showing of executive privilege has first been met. See Dean, 816 A.2d at 475. As explained above, Defendants have not met this burden, so this defense is a non-starter.[3] And as explained below, the two other defenses fail as well.
1. The MOU Is Legally Void And Provides No Defense Against
Disclosure.
Defendants attempt to rely on their own “Memorandum of Understanding” as an end run around Vermont’s statutes and well-settled case law. This attempt must be rejected for two main reasons: (1) Vermont law follows the overwhelming body of case law across the country that does not permit a contractual provision to override a public records act, and (2) it represents a dangerous violation of the separation of powers.
First, it is well settled that, as a matter of public policy and common law, a contract cannot override a public records act. See Trombley v. Bellows Falls Union High Sch. Dist. No. 27, 160 Vt. 101, 107-08 (1993) (“We agree with plaintiff that the contract cannot override the provisions of the Public Records Act.”) (citing Mills v. Doyle, 407 So. 2d 348, 350 (Fla. Dist. Ct. App. 1981) (allowing teachers’ collective bargaining agreement to control whether grievance records are public “would sound the death knell of the [Public Records] Act.”)). Accordingly, the MOU is unenforceable as a matter of law and should be rejected by this Court.[4]
Second, for Defendants to have secretly negotiated,
entered into and relied upon this “Memorandum of Understanding” constitutes an
abuse of the executive office and a violation of the separation of powers. See Vermont Constitution, Chapter II,
§ 5 (“The Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary departments, shall be separate
and distinct, so that neither exercise the powers properly belonging to the
others”); In re D.L., 164 Vt. 223, 229 (1995) (“The division of power
serves to create a structure resistant to forces of tyranny.”). “Briefly stated, the legislative power is the
power that formulates and enacts the laws; the executive power enforces them;
and the judicial power interprets and applies them.” In re D.L., 164 Vt.
at 229.
Here, by signing and relying on his “Memorandum of Understanding,” Governor Dean ignores judicial precedent by failing to follow the Vermont Supreme Court’s ruling that requires the making of a prima facie case for executive privilege; he thereby exceeded his powers and encroached on those of the judiciary. The “Memorandum of Understanding” represents a further violation of the separation of powers because it encroaches on the powers and province of the Legislature. See generally Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U.S. 579, 585, 587 (1952) (“The President’s power, if any, to [take the action] must stem either from an act of Congress or from the Constitution itself. There is no statute that expressly authorizes the President to [take the action] as he did here. Nor is there any act of Congress to which our attention has been directed from which such a power can fairly be implied. . . . The Constitution limits his functions in the lawmaking process to the recommending of laws he thinks wise and the vetoing of laws he thinks bad.”). On its face, the “Memorandum of Understanding” has the look and feel of a statute, for it explains the “reasons” for the “policies” it embraces and proclaims “rules of conduct to be followed.” See id. at 588.[5] Governor Dean also ignored the statutory requirements of 3 V.S.A. § 4 to provide a complete “itemized list” of his correspondence.
The governor is simply not the legislature, and thus he cannot enact statutes. Nor is he the court, so he cannot declare statutes to be invalid or make new common law. Even Defendant Sanford himself correctly cautioned in his August 21, 2002 memorandum to the Governor’s Legal Counsel, David Rocchio, that “to begin building post-gubernatorial controls into memoranda of understanding raises legal issues and is bad precedent.” See Answer, ¶ 16 at 4; Complaint, Exhibit 5.[6] The Defendants’ acts have no basis in law, and violate the fundamental principle of a separation of powers by usurping the powers of the other branches of government.
Finally, we note that, in an effort to support the MOU, Defendants allege, both in the MOU itself and in their Answer, that other governors (in Vermont and elsewhere) have acted similarly. This misses the mark for several reasons.
For one thing, the fact that other Vermont governors have done it and, in effect, gotten away with it, hardly shows that it is legal; presumably, these acts went unchallenged, or else the Defendants would have cited to some legal authority, as opposed to an apparent historical occurrence, in support of what they have done.[7] It is hardly surprising that the United States Supreme Court long ago rejected this kind of faulty reasoning. See, e.g., Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co., 343 U.S. at 588 (“It is said that other Presidents without congressional authority have taken [this action]. But even if this be true, Congress has not thereby lost its exclusive constitutional authority to make laws . . . .”).
Moreover, Defendants’ suggestion that their MOU conforms with other states’ practices is not just irrelevant, but is incorrect. Research has yielded no case law anywhere in the country permitting this practice, and, according to a recent survey, most governors in this country do not have the authority to deny access to records after their term ends.[8] And as a matter of public policy, it makes sense that the privilege would not attach to governmental deliberations post-term.[9]
2. The New Assertion Of Some Other, Unspecified “Exemption” Is Too Little, Too Late.
Defendants suggest in their Answer, as an “Affirmative Defense,” that after a review of the documents at issue, they might wish to make brand-new assertions of privilege under any number of thirty (30) provisions of the Public Records Act in order to prevent the release of these documents, though they do not specify how or why any such privilege(s) might attach. See Answer, ¶ 3 at 6 (“the State reserves the right to assert and may assert, upon review of the sealed documents, any exemption or combination of exemptions set forth in 1 V.S.A. § 317(c)(1) through (c)(30) of the Public Records Act”). This defense can perhaps best be characterized as the legal equivalent of a “Hail Mary” pass: if all else fails, Defendants say, they will toss the ball high in the air to see if it lands in the hands of some exemption that might prevent the gubernatorial documents from seeing the light of day.
This attempt is too little, too late. It is too little because there is a required showing of any such exemption, which has not been made. See, e.g., Finberg v. Murnane, 159 Vt. 431, 438 (1992) (“[D]efendants had the burden of showing that an exception applies. They cannot discharge this burden by conclusory claims or pleadings.”). It is too late because Defendants have already proclaimed these documents as protected by “executive privilege” and nothing else. They should be bound by that proclamation, they should be held to their word, and they should not be allowed to grasp at after-the-fact straws. Further, the suggestion that these documents might be protected by some “medical confidentiality” privilege simply makes no logical sense: after all, if the documents truly contained such secret, personal information that ought not be revealed, then why has Governor Dean agreed to release it at a later date – “commencing on January 10, 2013"?[10]
It also bears mentioning that the MOU negotiated by all four Defendants and signed by Governor Dean, the Secretary of State and the State Attorney General expressly provides that the “executive privilege documents shall be accessible . . . [i]n accordance with written authorization from Governor Dean;” the MOU also provides that once that happens, “they shall be reintegrated with Governor Dean’s official correspondence within the Archives.” Answer, Exhibit 1, ¶¶ II(B)(2) and II(C) at 3. By its own terms, it does not contemplate the new assertion of some additional exemption. Rather, the MOU contemplates that, if Governor Dean provides a written “ok,” then the documents become publicly available and “reintegrated” with the correspondence. There is no mention made of any after-the-fact, last-minute assertion of an “exemption.”
CONCLUSION
For all of the foregoing reasons, Judicial Watch’s motion for
judgment on the pleadings pursuant to V.R.C.P. 12(c) should be granted. Further, Judicial Watch should be awarded its
costs and reasonable attorneys’ fees incurred in bringing this action in
accordance with 1 V.S.A. § 319(d). This
is no “case of first impression” in which Governor Dean and the other
Defendants were unsure of their legal obligations. To the contrary, they know full well what the
statutes and case law require in order to legitimately assert a claim of “executive
privilege.” Cf. Herald Ass’n, Inc. v. Dean, 816 A.2d 469, 478, 13 Vt. L. W.
283 (Vt. 2002) (declining to award attorneys’ fees where superior court noted
“that this was a case of first impression in Vermont”).
Dated: Burlington, Vermont
January 22, 2004
Paul J. Orfanedes, Esq.
Judicial Watch, Inc.
501 School Street, S.W., Suite 725
Washington, DC 20024
(202) 646-5172
and
___________________________________
Andrew D. Manitsky, Esq.
Gravel and Shea
76 St. Paul Street, P. O. Box 369
Burlington, VT 05402-0369
(802) 658-0220
For Plaintiff
[1]
For the
Court’s convenience, copies of Plaintiff’s Complaint (the “Complaint”),
Defendants’ Answer and Counterclaim (the “Answer”), and Plaintiff’s Reply to
Counterclaim (the “Reply”), together with their exhibits, are annexed hereto
as, respectively, Exhibits A, B and C.
[2] Defendants
have asserted a wholesale claim of executive privilege, without even attempting
to meet their burden of proof, in the hopes that the resolution of this matter
will be so delayed as to make the matter moot.
We anticipate that Defendants may now request a belated opportunity to
meet their burden. This request should
be denied; such unfair delay tactics should not be countenanced by the Court,
for they run counter to well-settled legal burdens and the expedited treatment
this kind of case must receive by statutory mandate. See 1 V.S.A. § 319(b).
[3] Significantly, Defendants do concede that “the public has an interest in Howard Dean’s tenure as Governor of the State of Vermont and in his gubernatorial papers.” Answer, ¶ 18 at 5. So it may well be that Plaintiff could make the requisite showing of need, especially given Governor Dean’s presidential bid. However, the Court need not address the issue, since the legal analysis does not even get that far.
[4] See also State of Hawai’i Org. of Police Officers (SHOPO) v. Soc’y of Prof’l Journalists, Univ. of Hawai’i Chapter, 927 P.2d 386, 413‑14 (Haw. 1996) (“With respect to public records statutes, the virtually unanimous weight of authority holds that an agreement of confidentiality cannot take precedence over a statute mandating disclosure.”) (citing, e.g., Trombley, 160 Vt. at 107-08; Anchorage Sch. Dist. v. Anchorage Daily News, 779 P.2d 1191, 1193 (Alaska 1989) (“a public agency may not circumvent the statutory disclosure requirements by agreeing to keep the terms of a settlement agreement confidential. Under Alaska law, a confidentiality provision such as the one in the case at bar is unenforceable because it violates the public records disclosure statutes.”); Register Div. of Freedom Newspapers, Inc. v. County of Orange, 205 Cal. Rptr. 92, 102 (Cal. Ct. App. 1984) (“We conclude that assurances of confidentiality . . . are inadequate to transform what was a public record into a private one.”); Lieberman v. State Bd. of Labor Relations,579 A.2d 505, 514 (Conn. 1990) (public access statute made agreement to destroy records “an illegal subject of bargaining” and thus “null and void”); Anonymous v. Bd. of Educ. for the Mexico Cent. Sch. Dist., 616 N.Y.S.2d 867, 870 (N.Y. Sup. Ct. 1994) (“an agreement to keep secret that to which the public has a right of access under Article 6 of the Public Officers Law would be unenforceable as against public policy.”); Toledo Police Patrolmen’s Ass’n, Local 10, IUPA v. City of Toledo, 641 N.E.2d 799, 802 (Ohio Ct. App. 1994) (“[T]he law is supreme, and no contract between individuals can make it lawful to do that which the statute positively commands shall not be done.”)).
[5] As the United
States Supreme Court in Youngstown explained:
The
President’s order does not direct that a congressional policy be executed in a
manner prescribed by Congress – it directs that a presidential policy be
executed in a manner prescribed by the President. The preamble of the order itself, like that
of many statutes, sets out reasons why the President believes certain policies
should be adopted, proclaims these policies as rules of conduct to be followed,
and again, like a statute, authorizes a government official to promulgate additional
rules and regulations consistent with the policy proclaimed and needed to carry
that policy into execution. The power of
Congress to adopt such public policies as those proclaimed by the order
is beyond question. . . . The Constitution did not subject this law-making
power of Congress to presidential or military supervision or control.
343 U.S. at 588 (emphasis added).
[6] As Professor
Cox explained in his seminal article published some thirty years ago (which the
Vermont Supreme Court cited in Killington, Ltd. v. Lash, 153 Vt. 628,
634 (1990) and which the Defendants cited in their “Memorandum of
Understanding”):
Claims
of executive privilege have become increasingly frequent. . . . If the
Executive Branch were left to itself, the practice would surely grow. Secrecy, if sanctified by a plausible claim
of constitutional privilege, is the easiest solution to a variety of
problems. The claim of privilege is a
useful way of hiding inefficiency, maladministration, breach of trust or
corruption, and also a variety of potentially controversial executive practices
not authorized by Congress. Ability to
control what information to disclose and when to disclose it is a potent
political weapon. The evidence finally
released by President Nixon just prior to his resignation made it abundantly
clear that executive privilege had been used not to protect the Presidency, but
to hide the misconduct of the President himself.
Archibald Cox, “Executive Privilege,” 122 U. Pa. L. Rev. 1383, 1433 (1974). See also 16A Am. Jur. 2d Constitutional Law § 247 (1998 & Supp. 2003) (“The principle of the separation of the powers of government is fundamental to the very existence of constitutional government as established in the United States. The division of governmental powers into executive, legislative, and judicial represents probably the most important principle of government declaring and guaranteeing the liberties of the people. It prevents the exercise of autocratic power. . . . In short, this division of power provision serves to create a governmental structure ‘resistant to the forces of tyranny.’”) (citing, inter alia, In re D.L., 164 Vt. 223 (1995)).
[7] Indeed, if “others have done it and gotten away with it” is the new standard of legality, then the Defendants have now provided all of us with a convenient defense against our next parking ticket.
[8] See Charles R. Schultz, “Gubernatorial Records: Status, Access, and Content,” Paper delivered at the Society of American Archivists Annual Meeting 71-72 (Birmingham, Alabama, August 23, 2002) (“Question 33: Do your state laws exempt all or a portion of the records of the governor’s office from public disclosure for a specific number of years after the governor leaves office?” Response included only five “yes” answers.). This paper can be found at the website of the Council of State Historical Records Coordinators (COSHRC), www.cohrc.org.
In the MOU, Defendants cite to the “Guidelines for Access to Governor Kean’s Official Papers” in support of “ten years” as “a reasonable but brief period in comparison to the ‘executive privilege’ closing periods used in other jurisdictions.” Answer, Exhibit 1 at 2, n.3. The citation is erroneous. Although Governor Kean did establish guidelines for access to his papers (including papers containing private financial information and police investigations), in those guidelines he expressly waived any assertion of executive privilege: “Subject to the exceptions noted above, I waive all claims of legal or executive privilege pertaining to my official papers.”
[9] “The privilege, which is not absolute, furthers the
public interest by allowing the Governor to obtain open advice on matters of
public importance.” Dean, 816 A.2d at 474-75 (citation
omitted). Once the
governor is out of office, however, the analysis changes, for any potential
political “down side” to meeting with a controversial group has vanished. See, e.g., Times Mirror Co. v. Superior
Court, 813 P.2d 240, 251 (Cal. 1991) (“If the law required disclosure of a
private meeting between the Governor and a politically unpopular or
controversial group, that meeting might never occur.”). Here, Governor Dean’s meetings with a
“controversial group” obviously cannot hinder his effectiveness as the chief
executive of Vermont, since he no longer holds that office. See also Answer, ¶ 16 at 4; Complaint,
Exhibit 5 (“Killington v. Lash [establishing executive privilege in
Vermont] address[es] sitting
governors”) (emphasis added).
[10] We note that this date happens to fall precisely after the expiration of what would be, if elected and re-elected, Governor Dean’s second term as president. Surely, then, protecting the privacy of, say, persons infected with HIV is not the reason for this period of secrecy.