IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT

FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

 

JUDICIAL WATCH, INC.,                          

 

Plaintiff,                          Civil Action No.

01-1530 (EGS)

v.                                              

NATIONAL ENERGY POLICY                     

DEVELOPMENT GROUP                            

 

Defendant.                     

____________________________________

 

 

PLAINTIFF’S RESPONSE TO DEFENDANT’S RESPONSE TO THE

COURT’S ORDER OF JANUARY 31, 2002

 

Plaintiff, by counsel, respectfully submits this Response to Defendant’s Response (Def. Resp.”) to the Court’s Order of January 31, 2002.

MEMORANDUM OF LAW

I.             Introduction.

As stated in Plaintiff’s Opposition to Defendant’s Motion to Dismiss, this case concerns a simple request by the Plaintiff, Judicial Watch, Inc., to obtain documents regarding Defendant National Energy Policy Development Group (“NEPDG”) pursuant to the Federal Advisory Committee Act, 5 U.S.C. App. 2 (“FACA”) and the Freedom of Information Act 5 U.S.C. §552 et seq. (“FOIA”).


The facts of this case are strikingly similar to the controversy surrounding former First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton’s Health Care Task Force (“HCTF”), which was created in 1993 to develop a proposal for reforming health care in the United States.  As is the case with the NEPDG, many individuals and entities had concerns about the operation of the HCTF, including the identities of the persons participating in the meetings of the task force, how often these meetings were occurring, and how decisions were being made which could affect the health care services of every American.  One of these groups, the Association of American Physicians and Surgeons (“AAPS”) filed a request pursuant to the FACA to obtain documents concerning the meetings and operation of the HCTF.  When the AAPS request was summarily denied by The White House, AAPS filed suit in this Court to obtain expedited discovery concerning the operation of the HCTF and to compel production of the requested documents.  See Association of Am. Physicians and Surgeons, Inc., et  al., v. Hillary Rodham Clinton, et al., C.A. No 93-0399 (RCL) (D.D.C.)

The Hon. Royce C. Lamberth dismissed AAPS’s FACA claim with respect to a portion of the HCTF known as the “working group.”  See Association of Am. Physicians and Surgeons, Inc., v. Hillary Rodham Clinton, 813 F. Supp. 82, 95 (D.D.C. 1993).  Judge Lamberth, in dismissing the case in part, and denying AAPS’s request to conduct discovery, held that the working group was not an advisory committee because it did not provide advice directly to the President and was engaged in fact-finding only.  Id. at 89.  The Court based its ruling in part on the Declaration of Ira Magaziner, former Senior Advisor to the President, who represented to the Court that the working group consisted only of federal workers engaged in fact-finding and that:  “only the Task Force will have authority to forward recommendations to the President, and only the Task Force will provide advice to the President.  The interdepartmental working group is not charged with responsibility for making, and will not make, recommendations to the President, and will not otherwise directly advise him.”  Id.


The United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia reversed the District Court’s decision with respect to the working group and remanded the case for expedited discovery. Association of Am. Physicians and Surgeons, Inc. v. Hillary Rodham Clinton, 997 F.2d 898, 915-16 (D.C. Cir. 1993).  During the course of that discovery, both AAPS and the district court learned that they had received grossly misleading information from Mr. Magaziner and the HCTF regarding the employment status of the working group.  Association of Am. Physicians and Surgeons, Inc., 989 F.Supp. 8, 10-13 (D.D.C. 1997).  Specifically, it turned out that the working group had both included and frequently met with private individuals.  Id.  In that same order, The Hon. Royce C. Lamberth imposed sanctions in the amount of $285,864.78 on the defendants for the misleading statements that they had filed with the Court.  Id. at 17.

In the instant case, Defendant NEPDG has stonewalled Plaintiff’s request for documents and discovery concerning NEPDG’s activities just as the Defendants did in AAPS.  Public reports clearly demonstrate that private individuals met frequently with the Vice President Cheney and NEPDG, including in The White House, and that the policy suggestions made by these individuals were implemented by the NEPDG shortly following these meetings.  See Exhibit 1, Michael Weisskopf and Adam Zagorin, “Getting the Ear of Dick Cheney,” Time.com, Sunday, Feb. 3, 2002; see also Plaintiff’s Opposition to Defendant’s Motion to Dismiss (“Pl. Opp.”) at Exhibit 1. 

II.            Discussion.


Plaintiff initially notes that Defendant’s Response does not adequately address the issues  raised by the Court’s January 31, 2002 Order, which requested that Defendant explain to the Court how permitting discovery on eight discreet issues would violate Article II of the U.S. Constitution.  In fact, the bulk of Defendants’ response is little more than a reiteration of arguments made in Defendant’s motion to dismiss and rebutted in Plaintiff’s opposition thereto.[1]

Defendant attempts to respond to the Court’s questions regarding by referring to the Court to a May 4, 2001 letter from David S. Addington, Counsel to Vice-President Cheney, to Reps. W.J. “Billy” Tauzin and Rep. John Dingell of the House Committee on Energy and Commerce and Reps. Dan Burton and Henry Waxman of the Committee on Government Reform.  See Def. Resp. at Ex. 1 (“Addington letter”).  However, the Addington letter raises far more questions than it answers and underscores Plaintiff’s need for discovery in this matter.

Committee Question (2) requests information concerning a series of “stakeholder meetings”

held by NEPDG.  Id. at 2.  Addington responded by denying that the NEPDG ever conducted such meetings and claiming that staff members of NEPDG merely conducted fact-finding sessions with an admittedly “broad representation of people potentially affected by the groups work.”  Id.  Addington states:


Individuals on the Group support staff have met with many individuals who are not Federal employees to gather information relevant to the Group’s work, but such meetings do not involve deliberations or any effort to achieve consensus on advise or recommendations.  These meetings by the Group’s staff were simply forums to collect individual views rather than to bring a collective judgment to bear.  The Group’s staff held such meetings with a broad representation of people potentially affected by the Group’s work, including individuals involved with companies or industries (e.g., in the electricity, telecommunications, coal mining, petroleum, gas, refining, bioenergy, solar energy, nuclear energy, pipeline, railroad and automobile manufacturing sectors); environmental, wildlife, and marine advocacy; State and local utility regulation and energy management; research and teaching at universities; research and analysis as policy organizations (i.e., think tanks); energy consumers, including consumption by businesses and individuals; a major labor union; and about three dozen Members of Congress or their staffs.

 

Id. (emphasis added).  Obviously the accuracy of this statement can only be resolved through discovery process, particularly since Addington’s response to Congress’ questions are unsworn.  Indeed, Defendant has still failed to file an affidavit in this case supporting its claim that the NEPDG “consisted exclusively of senior Federal officials” or that its meetings with non-federal employees consisted of only “fact-finding” sessions.  Nonetheless, the Addington letter fails to identify who participated in these “fact-finding” sessions, when they were held, where they were held, how many were held, and what was discussed.  In short, the letter provides none of the information addressed in the eight points set forth in the Court’s January 31, 2002 Order.  Defendants has not already made answers to these questions public, as its Response claims.  See  Def. Resp. at 8-10. 


It is only through discovery that the Court will be able to determine the answers to these questions, and it simply cannot be said that discovery into the eight points set forth in the Court’s January 31, 2002 Order will impermissibly infringe on separation of powers or violate Article II of the United States Constitution.  As Defendant acknowledges, separation of  powers and Article II are intended to respect “the confidences of the President, the Vice-President, and the President’s senior advisers as they develop recommendations for policy and legislation -- a core constitutional function of the President.”  See Def. Resp. at 11.  Defendant argues on the one hand that FACA does not apply to NEPDG because it “consisted exclusively of senior federal officials and was chaired by Vice President Cheney,” and that to permit discovery regarding the eight issues raised by the Court would “require the President to reveal the precise details of his decision making process.”  See Def. Resp. at 2, 7.  But Defendant also claims that its sessions with non-federal employees did not entail any policy deliberations or efforts to provide advice or recommendations.  See Addington letter at 2, 3.  Defendant cannot have it both ways.  It cannot logically argue that the discovery proposed by the Court will impermissibly infringe on the President’s decision making process while also asserting that the crucial, operative meetings -- the NEPDG sessions with non-federal employees -- were only “fact-finding” sessions where no deliberations were held and where no efforts were undertaken to make policy recommendations or provide advice to the President, the Vice-President and  their advisors.  Defendant can have no legitimate objection, constitutional or otherwise, to the Court’s proposed discovery.

Finally, Plaintiff respectfully submits that it is premature for the Court to make a ruling on Defendant’s argument that the FACA is unconstitutional as applied to NEPDG before a more complete record is developed, through discovery proposed by the Court in its January 31, 2002 Order.  The AAPS Court allowed the plaintiff in that case just such discovery into the membership and functions of the HCTF’s Task Force.  The AAPS Court stated:

We must construe FACA in light of its purpose to regulate the growth and operation of advisory committees...  Whether the special government employees are full-time, however, is, in part, a factual issue that was not developed below due to the lack of discovery.

 

*     *     *                       

 


We simply have insufficient material in the record to determine the character of the working group and its members...  [A]s we have indicated, because we differ with the district court concerning the Task Force, we believe further proceedings, including expedited discovery, are necessary before the district court can confidently decide whether the working group is a FACA committee.

AAPS, 997 F.2d 915-16 (emphasis added).  It simply cannot be said that allowing the limited discovery proposed by the Court raises any constitutional concerns.  If, as Defendant maintains, its meetings with private individuals were merely “fact-finding” sessions rather than efforts to “achieve consensus on advise or recommendations” or to “bring a collective judgment to bear” (see Addington Letter at 2), then there is no risk of intruding into the deliberations of the President and his most senior advisors as they “develop recommendations for policy and legislation.”  See Defs. Resp. at 11.  If the meetings were more than “fact-finding” sessions, then the Court will have a record from which to determine whether the FACA applies.  The proof will be in the discovery.

Respectfully submitted,

 

 

 

_________________________

Larry Klayman, Esq.

DC Bar No. 334581

JUDICIAL WATCH, INC.

501 School Street, S.W.

Suite 725

Washington, DC 20024

(202) 646-5172

 

Attorneys for Plaintiff


CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE

 

I hereby certify that on February 8, 2002, a true and correct copy of the foregoing PLAINTIFF’S RESPONSE TO DEFENDANT’S RESPONSE TO THE COURT’S ORDER OF JANUARY 31, 2002 was served by facsimile and first class mail, U.S. mail, postage prepaid, on the following:

 

Attorneys for Defendant:

 

Daniel Bensing, Esq.

U.S. Department of Justice

Civil Division, Federal Programs Branch

P.O. Box 883

Washington, DC 20044

 

 

 

_________________________

Jason Aldrich


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

EXHIBIT 1


Top of Form 1

Time, February 11, 2002

Copyright 2002 Time Inc. Time

February 11, 2002; Pg. 16 HEADLINE Getting The Ear Of Dick Cheney BYLINE Michael Weisskopf and Adam Zagorin 

Dick Cheney has taken a hard line against the General Accounting Office, refusing its efforts to get information on meetings held by his energy task force. Critics suspect that Cheney is stonewalling to conceal the Administration's links with bankrupt energy giant Enron. But Cheney may be hiding more than that. Several other energy companies had opportunities to influence the Administration's energy policy, with both persuasion and money. A key task-force meeting, sources tell TIME, was held by Cheney in the White House on May 3. Among attendees were two lobbyists for electric utilities: former Montana Governor and now G.O.P. chairman Marc Racicot and former G.O.P. chairman Haley Barbour. Two weeks later, Cheney's report gave the lobbyists much of what they wanted, including a re-evaluation of a costly clean-air rule, called the new-source review, which requires new pollution controls when power plants are expanded. While he was lobbying for these energy interests, Barbour was also raising at least $ 250,000 for a May 21 G.O.P. gala honoring President Bush. The group of utilities Barbour was representing, led by Southern Co., gave $ 150,000 to the event. The night before the gala, Cheney held a glitzy reception at the vice-presidential mansion for hundreds of the fete's sponsors and longtime party donors. Another company that had entree to the Cheney task force was Peabody Energy, a coal behemoth whose holding company and top officer have given nearly $ 200,000 to the President and his party since Bush took office, including $ 25,000 for the May gala. Sources say Peabody chairman Irl Engelhardt and other energy executives met in March with two task-force members, Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham and Bush economic adviser Larry Lindsey. Cheney's group also heard in March from officials from the nuclear-energy industry--whose trade association, the Nuclear Energy Institute, contributed $ 100,000 to the Bush event. Both coal and nuclear power got major endorsements in the task-force report. Racicot, who stopped lobbying after taking over the G.O.P. last month, said he didn't raise funds for the Bush bash. Barbour did not return calls for comment. Cheney spokeswoman Mary Matalin denied any link between task-force access and fund raising, saying the Veep had no idea who was financing the gala. --By Michael Weisskopf and Adam Zagorin



[1]           Defendant also argues that, even if the FACA applies to NEPDG, it only applied while NEPDG was in existence.  Since NEPDG ceased to exist on September 30, 2001, Defendant claims that Plaintiff’s FACA and FOIA requests are now moot.  Defendant also avers that since NEPDG no longer exists, documents related to it are no longer accessible because they are now in the custody of the Vice President.  See Def Resp. at 5-6.  However, Plaintiff filed this action on July 16, 2001, while NEPDG was still operating and while NEPDG was in custody of the documents Plaintiff seeks.  While whether the NEPDG is still in operation is yet another issue for discovery, it is clearly improper for a defendant in known, on-going litigation to try to avoid a court’s jurisdiction and frustrate a plaintiff’s claims by disbanding and transferring custody of documents sought in that litigation.  Plaintiff is still entitled to adjudication of its timely-brought claims.